Partition of Macedonia in 1913

Macedonia was a single geographic entity until the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. As a result of the Treaty of Bucharest, Macedonia was partitioned among Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria. These regions are known as the Republic of Macedonia (independent since 1991), Aegean Macedonia (presently within the borders of Greece), and Pirin Macedonia (within the borders of Bulgaria). There are also small parts of Macedonia presently in Albania (known as Mala Prespa and Golo Brdo) and Yugoslavia (Gora and Prohor Pchinski). Upon annexation of Macedonia's territory, Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria began terrorist campaigns aimed at expelling or forcibly assimilating the indigenous Macedonian population. Greece and Bulgaria continue this policy today by denying the existence of the large Macedonian minorities within their respective territories and refusing to grant them their basic human rights.

The ethnic Macedonians in Greece and Bulgaria do not wish anything more than the recognition of their fundamental human and national rights: the right to speak their own language; to assemble for peaceful purposes; and, the right to call themselves Macedonian without fear of persecution or discrimination. Increased pressure must be placed upon the governments of Greece and Bulgaria to comply with the many international human rights agreements to which they are signatories..

Slusam Kaj Sumat Sumite

If Macedonia was always Greek, why would the Greek government have to change the Macedonian names of people, towns, and villages to Greek?

Between 1913 and 1928 the Slavic names of hundreds of villages and towns were Hellenized by a Committee for the Changing of Names, which was charged by the Greek government with 'the elimination of all the names which pollute and disfigure the appearance of our beautiful fatherland and which provide an opportunity for hostile peoples to draw conclusions that are unfavourable for the Greek nation' (Lithoxoou 1992b: 55). In 1927 the Greek government issued a directive calling for the destruction of all Slavic inscriptions in churches and forbidding church services from being held in a Slavic language. Finally, in 1936 a law was passed ordering that all Slavic personal names, both first and last, be Hellenized (Human Rights Watch/Helsinki 1994b: 6-7). Jovan Filipov, therefore, became Yannis Filippidis, and Lena Stoikov became Eleni Stoikou

The participants in this partitioning claimed right to parts of Macedonia, declaring Macedonians to be Southern Serbs, Bulgarians and Slavophonic Greeks. They changed their new subjects' names and surnames. They forbade the Macedonian language, forced Macedonians to learn in foreign languages and imposed their own interpretations of history. They forced them to go to their churches. In short, they turned them into second-rate citizens, subjected to systematic re-settling and permanent exile. The common denominator of such politics was denationalization of the Macedonian people, erasing them from the Balkan's map of peoples, usurping its history, identity and desire for its own state. They forced upon us the fate of disappearing through assimilation

"After the Greeks occupied Aegean Macedonia, they closed the Slavic-language schools and churches and expelled the priests. The Macedonian language and name were forbidden, and the Macedonians were referred to as Bulgarians, Serbians or natives. By a law promulgated on November 21, 1926, all place-names were Hellenized; that is the names of cities, villages, rivers and mountains were discarded and Greek names put in their place. At the same time the Macedonians were forced to change their first names and surnames; every Macedonian surname had to end in 'os', 'es', or 'poulos'. The news of these acts and the new, official Greek names were published in the Greek government daily Efimeris tis Kiverniseos no.322 and 324 of November 21 and 23, 1926. The requirement to use these Greek names is officially binding to this day. All evidence of the Macedonian language was compulsorily removed from churches, monuments, archaeological finds and cemetaries. Slavonic church or secular literature was seized and burned. The use of the Macedonian language was strictly forbidden also in personal communication between parents and children, among villagers, at weddings and work parties, and in burial rituals.

The treaty of Bucharest

It is good to have this important historical document handy, considering that we are still suffering the consequences from it, as a nation that "didn't made it" to become a party in it, despite the will of the Macedonians for their own independent country - a dream that finally came through after the World War II.
The Peace Treaty of Bucharest was the outcome of the conference convened after the conclusion of the Second Balkan War, on the initiative of King Carol of Roumania. Bulgaria lost the greater part of Macedonia, whose territory was divided between Greece and Serbia. During the conference, the Bulgarian delegates at times adopted an attitude that was seen as provocative by the other participants, given that Bulgaria had been the aggressor and was, moreover, the defeated side. There were also times, however, when they were strikingly conciliatory. This was because Bulgaria hoped that the Great Powers would revise the treaty, a hope encouraged by both Austria and Russia. France and Germany were opposed to such a revision, while Italy and Britain were prepared to accept it only if it was unanimously agreed upon. The European Powers were wary of the possibility of further unrest in the Balkans.

The delegations were headed at the conference by their respective Prime Ministers; Greece was represented by Eleftherios Venizelos, Serbia by N. Pashic, Romania by T. Maioresco and Montenegro by S.Voukotic, whilst defeated Bulgaria was represented by the Finance Minister D. Tontchev.

Through the Treaty of Bucharest, the territory of Greece doubled in size and its population increased by some two million, reaching 4,718,221 inhabitants. Although this expansion could have been considerably greater, it was significant as it included sources of wealth, providing the conditions for industrialisation and economic development. It also improved Greece’s international standing. With its special position in the network of Balkan relations and in the balance of political and military power in Europe, the modern Greek state acquired an unprecedented role.

Long live Macedonia

Narode Makedonski

Greek Denial of Macedonian Minority

When the Republic of Macedonia was seeking international recognition of its independence in 1991, the Greek Council of Ministers defined its terms of recognition of this new state.
"It should not use the name 'Macedonia' which has a purely geographic and not an ethnic meaning. It should recognize that it has no territorial claims on our country. It should recognize that, in Greece, there is no 'Macedonian' minority".
The Greek government denies the existence of a Macedonian ethnicity,even worse it denies the existence of a Macedonian minority within its borders and refuses to grant these people their basic human rights. The United Nations and other international organizations recognizes each nation's right to self-determination. The Macedonians throughout the Balkans, regardless of what borders they find themselves in, have their own language, history, culture, and traditions. Greece and Bulgaria are the only two countries to continue to deny them this right.
"...they have carefully fostered this delusion, as if to give the impression both to their own people and to the world that there that there was no Slav minority in Greece at all; whereas, if a foreigner who did not know Greece were to visit the Florina (Lerin) region and from his idea of the country as a whole, he would conclude that it was the Greeks who were the minority. It is predominantly a Slav region not a Greek one. The language of the home, and usually also of the fields, the village street, and the market, is Macedonian, a Slav language."

• "Greek is regarded as almost a foreign language and the Greeks are distrusted as something alien, even if not, in the full sense of the word, as foreigners. This obvious fact, almost too obvious to be stated, that the region is Slav by nature and not Greek cannot be overemphasized."
  
• "...we note Greek claims that Northern Greece, or Aegean Macedonia, is 'more than 98.5% ethnically pure.' The purity is held to be Greek. However, the statement is not accepted by reputable opinion outside of Greece. For instance, the 1987 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica indicated that there were still 180,000 Macedonian speakers in this area, indicating a much greater percentage than 1.5%. If Macedonian activists from these areas are correct, there may be as many as 1,000,000 people from Macedonian-speaking backgrounds in Aegean Macedonia.
  
• "For most of the past eighty years, the Greek government has consistently denied the existence of both a Macedonian nation and a Macedonian minority in northern Greece and has adopted a policy of forced assimilation toward the Slavic-speaking inhabitants of Aegean Macedonia."
  
• "The United Nations, the United States State Department, Amnesty International, and various chapters of Helsinki Watch throughout the world disagree with the Greeks, in particular, about the presence of Macedonians (and other minorities) in Greece and have pressured them in recent times to change their behaviour toward their Macedonian-speaking minority.
  
• "Greece is the only Southeast European country that does not recognize the presence of any national minorities in its territory. Turks are recognized as a mere “religious, Muslim” minority (which nevertheless is educated in Turkish), while Macedonians are not considered even a linguistic minority. The words “Turkish” and “Macedonian” have repeatedly led to the prosecution of their users, with courts handing down prison sentences or banning minority associations.
  
• "Whereas, concerning the Muslims, the controversy relates to the character and the identity of the minority, when dealing with the Macedonians, there is a near unanimity in denying the very existence of any such minority, and supporting the persecution if not the prosecution of such claims.
  
• "The Macedonian minority continued to face various forms of harassment and discrimination in 1996. These included restrictions on freddom of cultural expression, violations of the freedom of association, harassment of its political party, Rainbow, denial of entry to Greece by ethnic Macedonians and former Greek citizens living abraod, and citizenship issues.

Atentat na VMRO 1934

GREEK TOP SECRET DOKUMENT AGAINST MACEDONIAN PEOPLE

Top secret
Hellenic Republic
MINISTRY OF PUBLIC SECURITY
NATIONAL SECURITY SERVICE
Athens, 16 February 1982


Number of protocol 6502/7-3042….


INTRODUCTIONS
a. The Skopians' activities for the autonomy of Macedonia may be efficiently confronted mainly by wiping out the use of the idiom, in the regions near the borders. This opinion is based on the realizations that also other regions that in older times were the center of "Macedonism", like Kastoria, are not hit by the Skopian propaganda, because there the use of the idiom has been almost wiped out.
b. This element by itself would be enough to exclude any thoughts of repatriation of the P/R (political refugees) who now reside in Yugoslavia and who have been brought up with the "Macedonian idea", the "Macedonian language and culture", independently of their participation or not to the organizations SNOF, NOF and activities taken for Greek territories, during the period 1946-1949..


As for the above it is imperative to:
1. The creation of a state institution that will depend from the Prefectures of the regions near the borders, lined with the suitable and specially trained to the "Plot against Macedonia" subject, personnel. This institution will engage itself only with this subject, with the supervision of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and will collaborate closely, but in secret, with the Security Authorities and all the public services (Tax office, Schools, Army, Church, etc.).
2. In the public services and especially in the educational institutions the employees who will be in service have to be ignorant of the local idiom.


The establishment of special enlightenment seminaries, for all the public service employees and the clergy who are in service in the sensitive region of Macedonia.
4. The establishment of motivations for the obligatory residence of the public servants and other employees, in the quarters of their service (example: payment of the rent, extra pay, etc.).
5. Establishment of Cultural Association, like "ARISTOTELIS" in Florina and economic help to them, for the realization of events and the publishing of books, newspapers, magazines, etc. and afterwards these will be sent to the Diaspora abroad who has origins from the regions of the senders. This will boost their national sentiment and they will be protected from the anti-Hellenic propaganda that is been practiced by S/M (Slavmacedonians) organizations.


Insertion of various obstacles (non-recognition of diplomas, postponement of military service, etc.) for the Greek students who wish to study in Skopje.
7. Marking in each village of persons who, due to their kin bounds and their personality, influence a large circle of co-villagers and with any means (even with money payments) get close to them and use them properly so they will behave as the fighters of the use of the idiom in their circle. To this direction a very positive and effective role can be that of the Youngers of the political parties, by the judgment and coordination of the Government, when a between parties agreement will be reached.
8. Recruitment in the Armed Forces, in Police Bodies, in the public services and Organisms of employees with origins from Florina region, by exception, and their obligatory location in other areas of the Country.
9. The encouragement, by the leadership of the Army, of meetings and marriages of Army officers, who are on duty there and have origins abroad, with women that speak the idiom.

6 steps to success 6 чекори до успехот

STEP 1 People who live in Republic of  Macedonia  stop being dependent on political power
 Take the law in your hands and those politicians who deserve keep them for a better tomorrow and for a stronger Macedona!!The traitors and enemies politicians should only get an specific answer and that answer is death....

STEP 2  The Macedonian army should have full power and strength to power!create military and police swat team to prevent problems in the country andsecret group that will manage some difficult missions that the police do not have the opportunity to do so....


STEP 3  minimum rights to minorities such as Turks and other Albanians and expulsion from the country those immigrants who are criminals


STEP 4  Exploitation state energies for the opening of factories and the employment of people. High-level negotiations with Europe on the problem of our name ... No negotiation with Greece, Bulgaria and other countries enemies the keys to succeed on behalf of the problem is terrorism against the countries which refuse to accept the truth about our name.

STEP 5 Complete control of the press and general media to better inform citizens of the country ... no tolerance for propaganda channels and closure of these...introduction of new courses in schools about the problem in Macedonia andbooks targeted at the regeneration of our national identity

STEP 6 Cooperation with brothers and sisters in the occupied parts of Macedonia for a better future for their freedom ... Cooperation meaning creating armed groups toclarify a few situations ... Death to traitors betraying the Macedonians inMacedonia

ЧЕКОР 1 Луѓето кои живеат во Република Македонија престанува да биде зависна од политичката моќ
 Земете законот во ваши раце и оние политичари кои заслужуваат да ги чуваат за подобро утре и за посилна Macedona! Предавниците и непријателите политичари само треба да добие конкретен одговор и дека одговорот е смрт ....

ЧЕКОР 2 Македонската армија треба да има целосна власт и сила на власт! Создаде војската и полицијата Сват тим за да се спречи проблеми во земјата andsecret група која ќе управува со некои тешки мисии кои полицијата не имаат можност да го стори тоа ....


ЧЕКОР 3 минимални права на малцинствата, како што се Турците и други Албанци и протерување од земјата оние доселеници кои се криминалци


ЧЕКОР 4 експлоатација држава енергија за отворање на фабрики и вработување на луѓе. Високо ниво на преговори со Европа на проблемот на нашето име ... Не преговори со Грција, Бугарија и други земји непријатели на копчињата за да се успее во име на проблемот е тероризам против земјите кои одбиваат да ја прифатат вистината за нашето име.

ЧЕКОР 5 целосна контрола на печатот и воопшто медиуми за подобро да ги информираат граѓаните на земјата ... нема толеранција за пропаганда канали и затворањето на овие ... воведување на нови предмети во училиштата за проблем во Македонија andbooks насочени кон обнова на нашиот национален идентитет

ЧЕКОР 6 соработка со браќа и сестри во окупираниот дел на Македонија за подобра иднина за својата слобода ... Соработка значи создавање на вооружени групи toclarify неколку ситуации ... Смрт за предавниците предавство на Македонците во Македонија

FREEDOM OR DEATH FOR MACEDONIA

In the name of the blood and the sun, the dagger and the gun, Christ protect me and all the true Macedonians....Long live united Macedonia

MACEDONIA FOR THE MACEDONIANS

Αποδεχτείτε τον εαυτό σας για το ποιοι ειστε. Εάν απελπισμένα θέλετε να ειστε Ελληνες, αναλυστε την απελπισία σας γιατί, και να είμαι ειλικρινής γι 'αυτό. ολοι οι άνθρωποι σε αυτόν τον κόσμο δεν επιλέγουν την ιθαγένειά τους. Γεννιούνται σε αυτό. Απάντηστε σε αυτή την ερώτηση: Τι είναι προς το συμφέρον των Ελλήνων; Είναιη φυσική ύπαρξη των Μακεδονων (που είναι εσύ) ή τη γη που καταλαμβάνουν;

Accept yourself for who you are. If you desperately want to be Greek, analyze your desperation why, and be honest about it. All the people in this world do not choose their nationality. They are born into it. Answer this question : What is in the best interest of the Greeks? Is it the physical existence of the Macedonians (that's you) or the land you occupy?

THE VAMPIRE OF THE GREEK CHURCH GERMANOS KARAVANGELIS

He was a Greek Patriarchalist Metropolitan bishop of Kastoria from 1900 until 1907 appointed in the name of the Greek state by the ambasador of Greece Nikolaos Mavrokordatos and was one of the main coordinators of the Greek Struggle for Macedonia that had an aim to defend the greek nationalistic and clerical interests against the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization in then Ottoman Turkish occupied Macedonia.
He organized armed groups comprised mainly of officers of the Greek army volunteers brought from Crete, Peloponnese and other parts of Greece then various criminals as well as few recruited locals such as the chieftain Vangel (Vangelis Strebreniotis) from the village of Strebreno (now Asprogia) and Kote Hristov (Kotas Hristos), a renegade from IMRO from the village of Rulya (later renamed by the Greek authorities as Kotas in his honour ).
Using methods such as: bribery, manipulation, assassinations, espionage, betrayal, Divide et impera and collaboration with the Ottoman Turkish occupators Karavangelis succeeded to enstrenghten the greek nationalistic positions in Macedonia and thus according to the greek historians helped the later annexation of a part of Macedonia by Greece in the Balkan Wars for what official Greece praises him as a national hero of the Greek Struggle for Macedonia ("makedonomacho"), while at the same time he's considered as a war criminal by the historians in Republic of Macedonia and Bulgaria.
He is personally responsible for various crimes committed against the local population in Macedonia including, among other things his personal involement in the planning and organization of the massacre in the village of Zagorichani (later renamed Vasilyas) executed by the greek armed groups on the 25th of March 1905.
He is an author of the book of memoirs "The Macedonian Struggle" 

MACEDONIA FOR THE MACEDONIANS

LONG LIVE UNITED MACEDONIA

Zlatna Zora in Lerin 24/07/2011

Where are the people who were gathered in Ovchareni???where are they to expel the greek nationalists from our town???? they are hiding....this is our fate. others will rule the roost in our city....forget about united Macedonia we cant take land with melodies and songs...we cant have respect when every year we have the same situation ! Shame on us and shame on the hypocrites Macedonians. who are Macedonians just for the song and dance.

Никола Карев

Никола Карев е македонски револуционер, учесник во револуционерното движење, претседател на Крушевската република.
Никола Карев е роден во 1877 г. како четврто дете од петте деца на Јанаки Карев и Петкана Тотеска. Во 1892 г. тој бил принуден да го прекини школувањето и да учи столарски занает бидејки неговиот татко не можел да го носи целиот теовар за издржување на петдетното семејство. Во 1895 Карев заминува на печалба, прво работи како ѕидар а потоа станува столарски работник.Карев се враќа во родното Крушево и го продолжува своето образование. Во јуни 1900 г. бидејки го полага завршниот испит тој не учевствува на Првата социјалистичка конференција, но сепак тој ги прифаќа нивните одлуки. Во февруари 1901 г. социјалистите се примени во Организацијата а со тоа и Карев станува дел од таа Организација. Во Битола го завршува четврти клас во гимназија 1901/1902 г. и учителствува во селото Горно Дивјаци. Во јануари 1903г. застанува на чело на Крушевскиот револуционерен комитет, истата година во мај се одржал Смилевскиот конгрес, одржан е во селото Смилево. Сите селани добиле свои обврски четниците биле распоредени, деноноќно ја варделе целата околина а околу стотина вооружени смилевци биле во селото. На конгресот за претседател бил избран Даме Груев . Смилевскиот конгрес, конгрес на Битолскиот округ спрема решението од Солун ја потврдува одлуката за кревање на Илинденското востание.Бил избран главен Штаб со тројца рамноправни членови Даме Груев, Борис Сарафов и Анастас Лозанчев, бил избран Востанички дисциплински устав, со кој се определувало правата и должностите на војсководците.Се предвидува формирање на чети од 30 до 50 души. Конгресот ја завршува својата работа на 7 мај 1903, на 27 јули кај селото Буф како ден за објавување на востаниет е определен 2 август, на 28 јули Штабот преку брзи курири испрака проглас за востанието. Ноќта на 2 август 1903г. го нападнале и ослободиле градот Крушево со околу 700 востаници. Била формирана Крушевската Република, таа била прва република на Балканскиот полуостров создадена за време на Илинденското востание. На 4 авгус во градот влегува Штабот , востаниците се добро пречекани од народот. На чело на Штабот соти Никола Карев. За претседателна републиката бил избран началникот на штабот на Крушевските вооружени сили Никола Карев. Отворени се работилници за произведување и поправање на оружјето, работниците од с. Селце изградиле и црешов топ но тој се распаднал уште од првото пукање, изработен е и друг топ но останал во рацете не турците кој го однеле како трофеј во Цариград. Мобилизирана е машката страна а штабот е зголемен за уште 1200 луѓе. Задачата на турците била да си го поврати Крушево и тоа му успевало со 18 000 војска. Дел од заштитниците на Крушево загинале на Мечкин Камен предводени од војводата Питу Гули. На 12 август 1903 е крајот на Крушевската Република. Откако градот повторно паѓа во турските раце тој се повлекува од Крушево. Заминува во Белград во ноември 1903г. Во Софија учевствува во формирање на Македонско-одринска социјалистичка група во 1905г. На 26 април 1905г. со својата чета тргнал на пат за Крушево. Преноќевале во селото Рајчани, тука се продадени и веднаш сардисани од турска војска. На 27 април 1905 кај местото Свиланово Никола Карев загинал

Tekstot e napisano od Sofija Blazevska  Bitola

Даме Груев

Даме Груев е македонски револуционер и еден од основачите на ТМОРО. Роден е во селото Смилево на 19 јануари 1871 г. Потекнува од ѕидарско –печалбарско семејство. Се образувал во Битола учи до четврти клас, а потоа во Солунската машка гимназија „ СВ. Кирил и Методиј“. Груев заминува да учи во Белград на сметка на Друштвото
„Свети Сава“ завршува гимназија и повторно на сметка на друштвото се запишува на Великата Школа. Во 1891г. исклучен е од школата и заминува од Белград. Во Софија се запишува на историја во Вишото училиште, но во 1891 и од таму е исклучен. Од 1891-1893 бил учител во Прилеп и во селото Смилево. Во 1894г. започнал да ги формира првите револуционерни комитети. Бил учител во Штип и инспектор во солкунско, потоа наставник во Битолската гимназија и раководител на Битолскиот револуционерен округ. По убиството на Х.Белчев министер за финансии, Даме Груев и некои негови пријатели биле уапсени како осомничени. Откако се вратил во Македонија поднел молба да биде назначен како учител во Битола, но молбата била одбиена. Назначен е за учител во Смилево, потоа учителствува во Прилеп а во 1893 заминува Солун. Во Солун работи во печатницата на Коста Самарџиев.Груев бил иницијатор за основачката средба на ВМОРО на 23 октомври 1993г. во Солун. Избран е за секретар и касиер на Централниот комитет. Од 1894 до 1895 е назначен за учител во Штип, каде учителствува заедно со Гоце Делчев. Во 1895 се враќа во Солун како училишен инспектор, таму се активира во работењето на Организацијата и го воведува шифрарникот. Во Битола развива голема дејност за закрепнување на револуционерните комитети, за формирање нови комитети и пронаоѓање на нови соборци. На 6 август е уапсен и осуден на 10 години затвор за таканаречената Попставрева афера. На 29 мај 1902 од затворот во Битола е испратен во Подрум кале. Амнестиран е пролетта 1903г. На Смилевскит конгрес во почетокот на мај 1903 г. Даме Груев, Атанас Лозанчев и Борис Сарафов се избрани за членови на Главниот штаб на Илинденското востание во Битолскиот револуционетен округ. Груев учевствува во одредување на датумот за кревање на востанието и е задолжен за бранење на Смилевското подрачје. Заедно со Ѓорѓи Сугарев раководат одбрана на Смилево. На 14 август одбраната на Смилево е пробиена, а востаниците се принудени да се повлечат во Бигла планина. На 9 септември 1903 Груев и Сарафов во име на штабот испраќаат писмо до бугарската влада и бараат помош од Бугарија. Во 1904г. Груев е заробен од србоманската војвода Глигор Соколовиќ, но Пере Тошев му се заканува на персоналот
на српското дипломатско претставништво во Софија и Груев е ослободен. По заминувањето од Софија бил крајно разочаран. На 23 декември 1906 заедно со своите другари херојски загинува на врвот Петлец над селото Русиново. Коските на тројцата храбри јунаци биле погребани во Русиновската.

Tekstot e napisano od Sofija Blazevska Bitola

Pitu Guli 1865-1903

Pitu Guli was born in Krusevo in 1865. As a boy, he demonstrated an independent and rebellious nature. Guli came from a poor family family background, so when he was 17, Guli left Macedonia to seek wealth in Sofia, the capital of Bulgaria. In 1885, Pitu returned to Macedonia and joins the revolutionary movement. He formed a rebel squad and joins up with other elements of revolutionary movement.

Upon his return from Bulgaria, Pitu was sentenced to eight years inprisonment, seven years of which were spent in the prison of Trapezunt. In 1894 he again returned to Krusevo, and became a member of TMORO (Secret Macedonian Ordin Revolutionary Organisation). From this time on he was fully committed to the cause of Macedonian revolutionary activities. In 1902, Pitu travelled to Bulgaria again where he met up with Toma Davidov. On Guli's return to Macedonia, he is injured at the border and was forced to return to Bulgaria.

Fully committed to the Macedonian National Revolutionary movement in March 1903, and as a Duke with his own squad, he and other Dukes crossed the Bulgarian-Macedonian border heading for Krusevo.

From April to August 1903, he trained and prepared his troops in the lead-up to the Ilinden Uprising (Ilindensko Vostanie). During the time of the Ilinden Uprising, Pitu was a Duke of a large rebel detachment.

History states that Guli fought heroically at Mechkin Kamen (Bear's Rock) near Krusevo during the Ilinden Uprising, and he is remembered in song and poetry throughout Macedonia.

The Parliament building in Athens is full of original Macedonian names!

Here is the truth directly from Athens. These are the original names of the villages found in Macedonia before they were forcefully Hellenized, Banitsa is now known with its modern Greek name Vevi.
The walls in front of the Parliament building are full of the original names of Macedonian towns and villages, I encourage any brave Greek who lives in Athens to go down there and take some pictures, if you get any good shots please forward the pictures to me and I will publish them here at my Blog.
You will be surprised of how many original Macedonian ancestral names there are.

                                     ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΝΤΙΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΓΩΝΑΣ


Ελληνικό αντιμακεδονικό αγώνα, χαρακτηρίζω την περίοδο εκείνη που στην ελληνική εθνική ιστορία είναι γνωστή ως μακεδονικός αγώνας. Πρόκειται για ένα σημαντικό κεφάλαιο της νεότερης βαλκανικής ιστορίας, που η ελληνική ιστοριογραφία το έχει παρουσιάσει με τέτοιο τρόπο, ώστε να καθιστά αγνώριστη την ιστορική αλήθεια, κατασκευάζοντας ένα εξ ολοκλήρου μυθικό αφήγημα, δομημένο σε διάφορα ψεύδη, διαγράφοντας σχεδόν τα ιστορικά γεγονότα.Φυλλομετρώντας τη σχετική εθνική (: εθνικιστική) ελληνική βιβλιογραφία, βρίσκουμε έναν χαρακτηριστικό εκλαϊκευτικό �ορισμό� του λεγόμενου μακεδονικού αγώνα, στο βιβλίο του Παύλου Τσάμη:
Ο Μακεδονικός Αγών αποτελεί λαμπρή σελίδα της ιστορίας του ΄Εθνους, άγνωστη ακόμα στο πολύ κοινό, μολονότι πραγματεύεται μία από τις πιο δοξασμένες και μεγαλόπνοες προσπάθειες, που κατέβαλε η ελληνική φυλή. Ο αγώνας αυτός μπορεί να θεωρηθή σαν δεύτερος σημαντικός σταθμός στην εθνική ζωή, ύστερα από το 1821. Φαντάζει σαν μια φωτιά που, καίγοντας και φωτίζοντας απ� άκρη σ� άκρη την Μακεδονία, στάθηκε ικανή να την κρατήση ελληνική. Ο Μακεδονικός Αγών έχει να επιδείξη αφάνταστες αυτοθυσίες και απαράμιλλους ηρωισμούς, σημειώνει δε μία περίοδο ανατάσεως του ΄Εθνους.
Στο ίδιο πνεύμα βρίσκεται και το σχετικό απόσπασμα ενός εθνικού (:εθνικιστή) ιστορικού, του Απόστολου Βακαλόπουλου:
Η θέση των Μακεδονομάχων, που με το αίμα τους στοίχειωσαν τη χώρα του Μεγάλου Αλεξάνδρου, είναι στο πλάγι των αγωνιστών του 1821. Αν εκείνοι ανέστησαν το ελληνικό κράτος, αυτοί ανανέωσαν τους ηρωισμούς των και συμπλήρωσαν το έργο εκείνων. Πραγματικά ο ιστορικός που θεωρεί τα γεγονότα της εκατονταετίας 1821-1921 ξεχωρίζει τρεις μεγάλους σταθμούς: την επανάσταση του 1821, τον Μακεδονικόν αγώνα (τέλη 19ου – αρχές 20ού αι.) και την εξόρμηση του 1912-1913. Ο δεύτερος σταθμός που φτάνει στην ύψιστή του ακμή στα 1904 – 1908, γιατί τότε συστηματοποιείται και κορυφώνεται ο Μακεδονικός αγώνας, είναι συνεχής και έντονος, πλούσιος σε ηρωικές θυσίες, αλλά και σε επιτεύγματα.
Για μια θεωρούμενη τόσο σημαντική εθνικά ιστορική περίοδο, έχει επίσης ιδιαίτερη σημασία η γνώμη ενός κορυφαίου ηγέτη του ελληνικού πολιτικού συστήματος, του Κωνσταντίνου Καραμανλή. Και ο τελευταίος, λοιπόν, θεωρεί το μακεδονικό αγώνα μία από τις λαμπρότερες σελίδες της ιστορίας του ΄Εθνους: τον αιματηρό και πολύπλευρο αγώνα του Μακεδονικού Ελληνισμού για να διασφαλίσει την εθνική του ταυτότητα και να αποκτήσει την ανεξαρτησία του.
Αν επιχειρήσουμε να ενοποιήσουμε τα ανωτέρω, τότε θα λέγαμε πως ως μακεδονικός αγώνας θεωρείται στην ελληνική εθνική ιστορία ο ηρωικός αγώνας των Ελλήνων της Μακεδονίας κατά το διάστημα 1904-1908, για τη διατήρηση της εθνικής τους ταυτότητας και την ανεξαρτησία τους. ΄Ενας αγώνας που από εθνική άποψη πρέπει να θεωρείται ο δεύτερος σημαντικός σταθμός, μετά την επανάσταση του 21.
Αυτός ωστόσο ο ηρωικός αγώνας υπάρχει μόνο στα βιβλία των ελλήνων ιστορικών. Εκείνο που συνέβη στην πραγματικότητα, μόνο αισθήματα ντροπής και θλίψης μπορεί να γεμίσει την πλειοψηφία των νεοελλήνων πολιτών.
Ο ελληνικός αντιμακεδονικός αγώνας, όπως πρέπει να λέγεται, είναι η συστηματική προσπάθεια που κατέβαλε το ελληνικό κράτος στις αρχές του αιώνα, για να χτυπήσει το εθνικό – δημοκρατικό αυτονομιστικό κίνημα των Μακεδόνων.
Στον αγώνα αυτόν, το ελληνικό κράτος και εθνικιστικό παρακράτος, συμμάχησε με το οθωμανικό κατεστημένο της εποχής. Λεφτά και όπλα διατέθησαν άφθονα, για τη συγκρότηση και αποστολή συμμοριών σε μη κατοικούμενα από Έλληνες μακεδονικά εδάφη, για να τρομοκρατήσουν τον πληθυσμό και να ανακόψουν τη διαδικασία της μακεδονικής εθνογένεσης.
Οι ελληνικές μισθοφορικές συμμορίες, υπό την ηγεσία ελλήνων αξιωματικών, έσφαξαν, βίασαν και πλιατσικολόγησαν. ΄Εσπειραν τη φρίκη και το θάνατο στα μακεδόνικα χωριά και προσπάθησαν, ανεπιτυχώς, να εμποδίσουν την ανάπτυξη της εθνικής μακεδονικής ιδεολογίας και τον δημοκρατικό – αυτονομιστικό αγώνα των Μακεδόνων.
Στις σελίδες που ακολουθούν, με βάση τα δημοσιευμένα απομνημονεύματα και ημερολόγια των ελλήνων μακεδονομάχων, καθώς επίσης και ένα πλήθος από ελληνικά ανέκδοτα ιστορικά ντοκουμέντα, παρουσιάζεται για πρώτη φορά η αντιμακεδονική φύση αυτού του αγώνα.
Στην ουσία πρόκειται για ένα ταξίδι επιστροφής, από το μύθο στην ιστορία.

Is Croatia next on Greece's list???

Greece is annoyed because Croatia has recognised the Macedonian national minority and autocephalous Macedonian Orthodox Church, therefore it is more likely Athens to block the opening of a new chapter of Croatia's membership talks, Split-based newspaper "Slobodna Dalmacija" reports.

The daily citing "unofficial, but confidential information", claims that Greece might block the start of the negotiations in terms of the chapter of judiciary, because the Macedonian minority is mentioned in it.

"Slobodna Dalmacija" says that even though Foreign Ministry spokesman Mario Dragun said he had no information on any announcements about a blockade from Greece, talks are being held about the issue behind closed doors.

Is there an end to the Greek obsession with the existence of Macedonia and us Macedonians? Their hate produces even greater hate, and their lies lead to even more lies. We are too small to compete with Greek diplomatic fist, using facts and logic, and their "more equal" position as member of NATO and EU allows them to hold us hostage to their uncontrollable nationalism and racism. Unless the politicians from other countries stand up to this injustice (but why would they jeopardize their positions in the name of justice?), we will remain prisoners for being what we are, Macedonians.

Ο ματωμένος γάμος

    Μετά το θάνατο του Μελά, το Μακεδονικό Κομιτάτο ορίζει ως νέο γενικό αρχηγό τον κρητικό ανθυπολοχαγό πεζικού Γεώργιο Κατεχάκη (Ρούβα). Ο Κατεχάκης περνάει τα σύνορα στις 20 Οκτωβρίου, επικεφαλής συμμορίας 25 αντρών, μεταξύ των οποίων βρίσκονται οι Κορεστιάνοι Δημήτρης Νταλίπης και Σίμος Στογιάννης, ο Σερραίος Δούκας Γαϊτατζής και οι Κρητικοί Παύλος Γύπαρης και Ιωσήφ Κουντουράκης.    Στις 27 Οκτωβρίου βρίσκεται κοντά στο χωριό Κοσταράντζα όπου συναντιέται με τις συμμορίες του Καούδη και του Καραλίβανου. ΄Ολοι μαζί, μετά διήμερη παραμονή, μεταβαίνουν στη Μπλάτσα [Blaca] . Εκεί, οι Πύρζας και Καραλίβανος με τους άντρες τους, φεύγουν για να επιστρέψουν στην Ελλάδα, οι δε Κατεχάκης και Καούδης με τους υπόλοιπους πάνε στο Λέχοβο, όπου βρίσκονται το βράδι της 29ης Οκτωβρίου.
    Στο Λέχοβο, έρχονται και τους συναντούν οι Πούλακας και Βρανάς με τους άντρες τους. ΄Ολοι μαζί τώρα φτάνουν τα 36 άτομα. Εκεί, μαθαίνουν στις 9 Νοεμβρίου, από δυο καταδότες απ’ το χωριό Ζέλενιτς [Zelenich] , έναν τουρκαλβανό χωροφύλακα ονόματι Σούλιο και ένα χριστιανό ονόματι Γραμμενόπουλο, ότι την Κυριακή 13 Νοεμβρίου, ο εξαρχικός παπάς του Ζέλενιτς παντρεύει την ανιψιά του. Ο Κατεχάκης αποφασίζει, με τη σύμφωνη γνώμη όλων, να ματώσει το γάμο.
    Σάββατο βράδι, έρχεται ο Σούλιος και τους οδηγεί στο χωριό του.
    Το ένα μέρος του σώματος υπό τον Κατεχάκη κυκλώνει το χωριό απ’ έξω, ο δε Καούδης με τους υπόλοιπους μπαίνει μέσα, και με τις οδηγίες του Σούλιου, τοποθετεί τους άντρες γύρω απ’ τη γειτονιά που θα κτυπούσε.
    Φτάνουν στο σπίτι του παπά. Εισερχόμεθα μέσα, σημειώνει ο Καραβίτης, αλλά δεν ευρίσκουμε παρά μία γρηά. ΄Ισως να είναι η παπαδιά. Με τη γρηά δεν μπορεί να συνεννοηθή κανείς. ΄Οτι και να της πουν εκείνοι που γνωρίζουν την γλώσσα της, δεν ακούν τίποτα άλλο από “νε ζναμ” (δεν γνωρίζω).
    Προφανώς ο γάμος γινόταν σε άλλο σπίτι. Χωρίς να βιάζονται, το ρίχνουν στο πλιάτσικο. Εγέμισε το σπίτι όλη η παρέα του Πούλακα, λέει ο Καούδης. Ανέβηκα πάνω και τί να ιδώ, μια σάλα μεγάλη και την παπαδιά να στέκει στη μέση της σάλας τρομαγμένη, να κρατεί μια λάμπα να έχουν δύο - τρία μπαούλα ανοιγμένα και σκορπισμένα ρούχα και να ψάχνουν, άλλοι τα ρούχα και άλλοι τες γωνίες για λάφυρα.
    Ψάχνουν στο χωριό και βρίσκουν το σπίτι του Στογιάν Γκότεφ. Εκεί γινόταν ο γάμος. Από μέσα ακουγόταν μουσική και τραγούδι. Ο Δούκας, γράφει ο Κλειδής, κτύπησε κι είπε στη γλώσσα της γυναίκας πως είναι καλεσμένος. Του άνοιξε, τη μαχαίρωσε και τους άνοιξε. Μπήκαν οχτώ και φθάσανε τη σκάλα. Τέσσερις την ανέβηκαν και στάθηκαν στην κλειστή πόρτα του σπιτιού, τέσσερις μείνανε στο πρώτο σκαλί να προσέχουν…Βγήκε και άλλη γυναίκα. Στο πρώτο σκαλί τη μαχαίρωσαν.
    Ανέρχομαι, διηγείται ο Καραβίτης, εις την σκάλα. Με ακολουθούν κάμποσοι, ο ένας πίσω από τον άλλο…Ανοίγω την πόρτα, είναι γεμάτη γυναίκες. Με την πρώτη ματιά διακρίνεται η νύφη από τα στολίδια του στήθους της. Κλείω την πόρτα αμέσως και γυρίζω το κλειδί.Πριν κλειδώσει την πόρτα, μαχαιρώνει μια γυναίκα.
    Ανοίγουν την πόρτα της κάμαρας που γίνεται το γλέντι και ανοίγουν πυρ σε κάθε κατεύθυνση. Ο Γύπαρης που παίρνει μέρος στη σφαγή, παρομοιάζει την επίθεση της συμμορίας, με την επίθεση του γερακιού σε κοπάδι πουλιών. Εδοκίμαζαν, γράφει, να φύγουν, μα παντού αντίκρυζαν τις μαύρες κάννες των ελληνικών τουφεκιών.
    Χαμηλά και όσο το δυνατόν οριζοντίως, λέει ο Καραβίτης, διευθύνω το όπλο για να ευρίσκη περισσότερα κορμιά. Εις την στιγμιαία λάμψη κάθε πυροβολισμού φαίνονται τα κορμιά σαν ένα πολύποδο τέρας που ασπαίρει στο αίμα του και εκτείνει προς όλας τας διευθύνσεις χέρια ποδάρια, δίκην πλοκάμων οκταποδιού.
    Η ελληνική συμμορία ολοκληρώνει τη σφαγή. Από όσους ήταν εις το σπίτι μέσα κανένας δεν έμεινε γερός. Το όλον ήσαν καμμιά τριανταριά, γράφει ο Καραβίτης. Ο Γύπαρης [28] διορθώνει τον Καραβίτη, και ανεβάζει τον αριθμό των αιματοκυλισμένων κορμιών που βρίσκονταν καταγής την ώρα που αναχωρούσε η συμμορία, σε 47. Σαράντα άντρες και τρεις γυναίκες νεκροί, είναι ο απολογισμός του Κλειδή.
    Καθ’ όλη τη διάρκεια του μακελειού, το οθωμανικό στρατιωτικό απόσπασμα που βρισκόταν στη Νέβεσκα, παραμένει στη θέση του αδρανές. Η κατηγορία για παθητική συνεργασία του με τους έλληνες συμμορίτες, διατυπώνεται επίσημα, από τους προξένους όλων των μεγάλων ευρωπαϊκών δυνάμεων της εποχής.
    Ο πρόξενος της Αυστρίας στο Μοναστήρι, γράφει χαρακτηριστικά: Από τη Νέβεσκα στο Ζέλενιτς η απόσταση είναι μισή ώρα. Υπολογίζεται ότι το γεγονός συνέβη κατά τις 9 τη νύκτα και ότι ρίχθηκαν περί τους 200 πυροβολισμοί. Στη Νέβεσκα ο στρατός και οι 10 χωροφύλακες κατ’ εντολή του Μουδίρη έμειναν αδρανείς και επισκέφτηκαν το Ζέλενιτς την επόμενη μέρα.
    Ο ματωμένος γάμος του Ζέλενιτς είναι η πρώτη μαζική σφαγή που πραγματοποιούν οι έλληνες μισθοφόροι στη Μακεδονία.

Η συμμορία του Παύλου Μελά

    Ο Παύλος Μελάς έγινε ήρωας της ελληνικής εθνικής ιστορίας λόγω ακριβώς της δράσης της ομάδας του και του θανάτου του σ’ αυτήν την αποστολή. Ο Παύλος Μελάς αποτελεί εδώ και δεκαετίες το σύμβολο του ελληνικού εθνικισμού στην αντιμακεδονική πολιτική του. Πρόκειται ωστόσο για ένα μύθο που κατασκευάστηκε και αναπαράχθηκε από τους ιδεολογικούς μηχανισμούς του ελληνικού κράτους, ένα μύθο που θεμελιώθηκε στη διαστρέβλωση των ιστορικών γεγονότων και στο ψέμα.    Ο Μελάς ήταν γόνος και γαμπρός δύο κοινωνικοοικονομικά και πολιτικά ισχυρών οικογενειών της Αθήνας που καθοδηγούσαν το ελληνικό εθνικιστικό κίνημα της εποχής και ταυτόχρονα ένας νέος αξιωματικός καριέρας. Αναλαμβάνοντας όμως την αρχηγία του ελληνικού συμμοριακού αγώνα στη Μακεδονία, ανελάμβανε ένα ρόλο που ήταν ανίκανος να παίξει σωστά. Ο συναισθηματικά εξαρτημένος από τη γυναίκα του και το άμεσο οικογενειακό περιβάλλον του, καλοζωισμένος και αγύμναστος δανδής Μελάς δεν έπεισε, όπως θα δούμε, ούτε τον εαυτό του ούτε τους άντρες του ότι κατείχε άξια τη θέση του καπετάνιου.
    Οι τελευταίες και σημαντικότερες μέρες της ζωής του, επιβεβαιώνουν των ανωτέρω λόγων το αληθές. Ας καταγράψουμε λοιπόν ημερολογιακά αυτές τις στιγμές που χαρακτηρίζουν τον άντρα:
    ΣΑΒΒΑΤΟ 21 ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ (επί ελληνικού εδάφους). Σε επιστολή προς τη γυναίκα του  αναφέρεται στους άντρες της ομάδας του που θεωρεί αφοσιωμένους σ’ αυτόν και πολύτιμους: Θωμάς Λιόντας από Κοζάνη, Ανδρέας Δικωνυμάκης ή Μπαρμπαντρέας, Νικ. Λουκάκης και Λαμπρινός Βρανάς από Σφακιά, Θανάσης Κατσαμάκας, παλιός κλέφτης απ’ τη Δισκάτα. Ανάμεσά τους λαμβάνει, όπως γράφει, περισσότερον θάρρος και αυτοπεποίθησιν.
    Το προηγούμενο βράδι έχει ορκίσει τους μισθοφόρους παρουσία ενός παπά, τους έχει μιλήσει για την αποστολή τους δι’ ολίγων κτυπητών λόγων και τους έχει διατάξει να είναι ξυρισμένοι και κουρεμένοι, προς μεγάλην χαράν, όπως υποθέτει, της γυναίκας του και των κοριτσιών (των κουνιάδων του).
    Ένας λαρισαίος φίλος του, ο ανθυπολοχαγός Χαράλαμπος Λούφας, του κάνει το γνωστό πορτρέτο - φωτογραφία. Τόσο ξένη του φαίνεται η φορεσιά του καπετάνιου, που σχολιάζει: φαντάσου τι κωμικόν θα ήτο και τι μαρτύριον δι’ εμέ, αν επέστρεφα άπρακτος, να βλέπω τη φάτσα μου έτσι μασκαρεμένην.
    Στο τέλος της επιστολής ξεσπάει σε λυγμούς οσάκις σας συλλογίζομαι μου έρχονται αυτομάτως δάκρυα εις τα μάτια και τρέχουν, τρέχουν σιωπηλά και κάτι με σφίγγει εις τον λαιμόν.

DEFINITION OF A GERKOMAN

A Macedonian who wants to be Greek.

One who refuses to accept his true Macedonian National Origins.

One who is ashamed of his background, the language he speaks.

One who is afraid to call himself Macedonian.

A Gerkoman is a person who always refuses to accept arguments that prove without a doubt of his Macedonian identity.

A Gerkoman is a person who always refuses to learn and accept his condition of what he is or who he is.

A Gerkoman is a person who is lazy,ignorant and has no courage. He is also a coward.

A Gerkoman is an individual who cooperates with the Greeks against all Macedonians.

A Gerkoman is a person who is suffering from self-inflicted national amnesia.

A Gerkoman is an individual who has no respect for others, himself, or his heritage.

A Gerkoman is a cancer within the Macedonian nationality, which stubbornly works to destroy everthing that is Macedonian.

A Gerkoman is the #1 enemy to the Macedonian people.

A Gerkoman is a liar because every time he utters the words, "I am Greek", he lies and he knows it.

The ominous prophecy of Harilaos Trikoupis, Greek Prime Minister from 1882 to 1895, foretold what the neighboring Greek state had in mind for Macedonia and its people:

"When the great war comes, Macedonia will become Greek or Bulgarian, according to who wins. If it is taken by the Bulgarians, they will turn the population into Slavs.If we take it, we will make all of them into Greeks".

1912

 Balkan Wars Irredentist Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro drive a crumbling Ottoman Empire out of the Balkans and pursue territorial expansion into Macedonia. Greek army enters Aegean Macedonia ostensibly to "liberate" Macedonia from the Ottoman.

From "liberation to tyranny", Greek army commences savage and bloody "ethnic cleansing" of the towns of Kukush, Doiran, Demir-Hisar and Serres in the Aegean Macedonia.160 Macedonian villages burned, and atrocities committed. Mass exodus of refugees.

1912

 when Greece, for the first time ever, comes into possession of Macedonian territory by force of arms. Almost a decade had passed since the 1903 Ilinden (St. Ilija Day) Uprising lead by the IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) in a failed effort to free Macedonia from the Ottoman yoke.

1913

 Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian alliance breaks down over competing claims for Macedonia. Bulgaria miscalculates and attacks Serbia and Greek armies. Ottoman forces rejoin war against Bulgaria. Bulgaria defeated, loses territorial gains in Macedonia.

Greece refers to conquered Macedonian lands as the "new territories" under "military administration". Not yet officially incorporated into the Kingdom of Greece. Military occupation augmented by influx of administrators, educators; police brought from Greece.

Professor R.A. Reiss reports to the Greek government: "Those whom you would call Bulgarian speakers I would simply call Macedonians...Macedonian is not the language they speak in Sofia...I repeat the mass of inhabitants there (Macedonia) remain simply Macedonians."

APOMNHMONEUMATA

GERMANOU KARABAGGELH - GEWRGIOU DIKWNUMOU MAKRH

1. Afou den eica pia na perimeno bohqeia apo thn Ellada, eprepe na dokimasw n apospasw kanena boulgarojwno oplarchgo kai na ton peisw kai na ton metastreyw kai na ton kanw ELLHNA oplarchgo. Ki etsi apojasisa na sunanthsw ton Kwta apo th Roulia.

2. Etsi oi dikoi maV emeinan eleuqeroi kai sergianizan skotontaV olh mera sto corio.

3. Egw phra touV ennia pou htan apo to Boulgaromplatsi, janatiko boulgariko cwrio kai touV apekejalisa ameswV. O FilwtaV ephre touV allouV ennia apo to cwrio Bissanh kai touV ajhse eleuqerouV.

4.To bradu touV ephra olouV se mia rematia kai touV eskotwsa, touV etoujekisa, ektoV apo duo pou m ebebaiwsan oti htan EllhneV kai gnwstoi tou Despoth.

5. Ekeinh th stigmh eice plhsiasei apo pisw maV o papa-DrakoV kai cwriV na ton antilhjqoun tou errixe mia toujekia scedon ex epafhV kai to paidi epese mes sto lakko pou eskabe. Kai argotera mou exhghse oti, epeidh autoV enai papaV, de qelei na fainetai kai me parakalese na to uposthrixw oti egw to ekana.

6. To 1905 sto ZelenitV ginotan enaV gamoV boulgarikoV. Auto to emaqe to swma tou Kaoudh, mphke sto gamo ki epeidh esbusan ta jwta errixe sta skoteina omobrontia kai skotwse dekapente h dekaxi BoulgarouV.

Ep onomati tou Pantodunamou Qeou kai thV PatridoV

THE EXCERPTS ABOVE DESCRIBE THE COUNTLES ATROCITIES COMMITTED BY THE VAMPIRES OF THE GREEK CHURCH AND ITS AGENTS AGAINST THE MACEDONIANS WHICH THEY CONVINIENTLY REFER TO AS “BULGARIANS”

The Partition of Macedonia

On October 18, 1912, Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia declared war on the Ottoman Empire and their armies, from the Albanian mountains to the Black Sea, were ordered to launch an attack. In retrospect, it could easily be concluded that the war began with the aim of partitioning Macedonia, despite the early claims by the coalition that they fought for "the liberation of Macedonia!"
The beginning of the First Balkan War marked the end of years of bargaining between Serbia and Bulgaria over the division of Ottoman territory, Macedonia in particular. In October 1911, the Bulgarian government stated to Serbia that the two governments should "reach an agreement as soon as possible concerning the territory of Macedonia-that is, to determine their share of the cake". It was not a question of the "disputed" territories; Bulgaria would agree that Skopje belonged to Serbia, retaining Thessaloniki, Bitola and Veles for itself. The outbreak of the Italian-Turkish War in October 1911 favored both by weakening Ottoman power, and on March 13, 1912, after months of intensive discussions, an Agreement of Friendship and Alliance was publicly signed, supplemented by secret clauses. Article two of these clauses provided Serbian recognize of Bulgaria's rights to those territories east of the Rhodopes and the Strymon river, and Bulgaria in turn recognizing Serbian rights over territory north and west of Mt. Shar.
These plans were to be put in effect within three months, when "all territorial gains would be realized by a joint action". The territory between Mt. Shar, the Rhodopes, the archipelago and Ohrid Lake, if the establishment of an autonomous state was not possible in view of "the interests of the Serbian and Bulgarian nationalities" and "other external and internal reasons", would be divided along a line drawn from Golem Vrv (to the north of Kriva Palanka) to Ohrid Lake. On that occasion, the Serbian representatives stated: "We are ready for anything and will take part in any coalition-with God or with the Devil if need be-to protect our vital interests." The Bulgarians already considered that "the Macedonian Bulgarians were lost for our cause, as they set out along their own path".
Soon, the Serbian-Bulgarian coalition was extended by signing a agreement between Bulgaria and Greece in May, between Greece and Serbia in September, and between Montenegro and Bulgaria and Serbia-by the beginning of October 1912, the Anti-Ottoman League was formed. In the meantime, the propaganda machines were used to constantly and persistently repeat the necessity of helping their "brother Christians" in their attempts to free themselves from Ottoman slavery. The peoples of Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia were not the only ones who believed in this-a considerable number of Macedonians were convinced of the stated, selfless goals of the League.
Beginning in October 1912, fighting took place throughout Macedonia. Following several victories over the Ottoman army, coalition forces occupied Macedonia and forced the Ottoman Empire to seek an armistice, signed on December 4, 1912.
Yet, as in many partitions, one party was not satisfied with their share of the spoils. Serbia, denied its proposed outlet to the Adriatic Sea, sought compensation in Macedonia along the Vardar River which the Bulgarians rejected. Greece asked for control of Thessaloniki and "a certain part" of the eastern Macedonian territories, which Bulgaria rejected as well. Correspondingly, on June 1, 1913, Serbia and Greece concluded a secret treaty for joint action against Bulgaria; joined by Romania, which sought control over Southern Dobruja. Russia attempted to solve the emerging quarrel in a peaceful manner; but Austria-Hungary, siding with Bulgaria, encouraged flaring tempers in the hope of breaking a coalition directed against the Bulgarians. Anticipating assistance from Vienna, on June 29, 1913, the Bulgarian army attacked its former allies.
This Second Balkan War was at first waged entirely on Macedonian soil, but on July 10, Rumania entered the war and four days later the Ottoman Empire joined the general assault on Bulgaria. Faced with four fronts, Bulgarian armies were defeated piecemeal and the government at Sofia was forced to seek peace.
The victors of the Second Balkan War did not want to miss the opportunity to imposing conditions on Bulgaria which "would create a just balance" in the Balkans. This included settling accounts among themselves at the expense of Macedonia, taking no account of the ethnic, political and economic unity of the territory through which drew new frontiers for the second time in less than a year. At the beginning of August 1913, the Treaty of Bucharest was signed: the entire "disputed zone" was taken by Serbia, Greece secured its position in Thessaloniki and southeastern Macedonia, the Ottomans regained all the territories lost in the First Balkan War to Bulgaria with the exception of eastern (Pirin) Macedonia, and the Romanians seized Southern Dobruja.
The events of the two wars and the final partition are the best indications of the limits to which nationalist and chauvinist passions can corrupt humanity. For example, in pursuing the Bulgarian army during the second conflict, Greek forces systematically burnt to the ground all Macedonian villages they encountered, mass-murdering their entire populations. Likewise, when the Greek army entered Kukush (Kilkis) and occupied surrounding villages, about 400 old people and children were imprisoned and killed. Several dozen distinguished Macedonians were victims of the persecution in Kukush, previously marked for death as potential hazards for Greek occupation. Specially trained Greek units destroyed over 40 Macedonian villages.
About 4,000 refugees from Kukush had gathered in the village of Akandzheli when on July 6, 1913, a Greek military unit entered the village. Though met with white flags, the village was burnt down and in the massacre which followed 356 refugees were killed, including children and the elderly. In Serres, Greek police imprisoned about 200 Macedonians and subsequently executed them. About 1,000 men were slain in the town of Ingrita alone. On the whole, in the region of southern Macedonia, the Greeks destroyed 16,000 houses and 100,000 Macedonians were forced to leave their homes and flee to neighboring countries.
Bulgarian armies and Vrhovist bands were not any more scrupulous in respecting human life. In the small town of Dokast, inhabited by Greeks and Turks, the Bulgarians fired 270 out of 570 homes and killed a hundred people. When they occupied the town of Serres for the second time, they torched 4,000 houses out of 6,000 and massacred many of the inhabitants, mainly Turks and Greeks, on the pretext of revenging the slain Macedonian population of the town.
Nor did the Serbian "liberators" lag behind in destruction and wanton slaughter throughout Macedonia. In Bitola, Skopje, Shtip and Gevgelija, the Serbian army, police and chetniks (guerrillas) committed their own atrocities.
Nor were these events to be the last tragic consequences of the Balkan Wars: an enormous number of refugees from Macedonia were compelled by threats and force to leave their homes and flee. About 112,000 refugees sought shelter in Bulgaria, 50,000 of whom were Macedonians. Greece received 157,000 refugees, mostly Turks and Greeks, who settled on the properties of Macedonian refugees. About 1,000 refugees settled on Macedonian territory occupied by Serbia. About half a million people became refugees, driven across newly-created borders-driven from one part of Macedonia to another by the rampaging armies.
On March 1, 1913, the Macedonian colony in St. Petersburg sent a memorandum on the independence of Macedonia to the conference of Great Powers in London, along with a geographical-ethnic map of Macedonia made by Dimitrija Chupovski. "Europe is about to make the same mistake as in 1878. Instead of Macedonia being proclaimed an independent state, its liberators decided to divide it among themselves... The Macedonians have gained the right to self-determination through their recent history... A horrible terror now reigns in Macedonia-there are no limits to the 'freedom' of the allies. Not a single Macedonian has the right to travel outside Macedonia and go abroad to protest to the European states. Whoever attempts to do that is either killed or imprisoned. The allied armies have enclosed Macedonia in an iron grip."
"The Macedonian people needs:
"One, Macedonia to remain an individual, indivisible, independent Balkan state within its geographic, ethnographic, historical and economic-political borders; and
"Two, that, on the basis of a general election, a Macedonian people's assembly be convened in Thessaloniki as soon as possible, to work out the internal organization of the state and define its relations with the neighboring countries."

On April 21, 1913, in the St. Petersburg newspaper Slavjanin (A Slav), D.Chupovski, writing under the pseudonym Upravda, published the article "The Macedonian State" in which he predicted:
"...Despite vigorous opposition by the Macedonians themselves, the partition of Macedonia will undoubtedly lead to internecine blood-shedding among the allies... The Balkan Peninsula is too small for several greater-state ideals to coexist. Only a federal state constituted of all Balkan peoples, in which Macedonia will be included on an equal footing as an indivisible state, independent in its internal affairs-only such a federation that can provide peaceful coexistence and progress of the Balkan peoples!"
On June 7, 1913, a second memorandum of the Macedonians was sent to the governments and peoples of the combatants of the Balkan Wars, stating that "in the name of natural right, in the name of history ... Macedonia is inhabited by a homogeneous population having its own history, and hence the right to self-determination. Macedonia is to be an independent state, within its natural borders. The Macedonian state is to be a separate equal unit of the Balkan League, with its own church established on the foundations of the ancient Ohrid archbishopric", requesting that a people's representative body be convened in Thessaloniki. This memorandum was signed by members of the Macedonian colony in St. Petersburg.
Despite the obvious fact that in the partition of Macedonia a nation had been divided, in the Paris Peace Conferences (June-September, 1919) the Great Powers, protecting their own interests, confirmed with minor alterations only the decisions of the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest.
During the conference the Macedonian issue, in one form or another, confronted any possible settlement of World War One's Balkan front. Three proposals were placed before the Committee on the Formation of New States. On June 10, 1919, the Italian delegation proposed that Macedonia be given the status of autonomy within the framework of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
Macedonia would possess an autonomous assembly and the Macedonian governor would be responsible to it, although he would be appointed by the Yugoslav government. Opposed by the French delegation, at the following session of the committee the Italian representative changed the proposal on political autonomy of Macedonia and reduced it to a proposal for administrative self-management with a central council in Bitola.
The French delegation, protecting the interests of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (viewed as a key ally in the region) categorically opposed any kind of autonomy for Macedonia and proposed that the Macedonian Question be discussed in terms of minority issues. The treaties of protection for minorities would be a sufficient guarantee of freedom and protection for the population of Macedonia. The British delegation offered in turn a proposal for special control of Macedonia by the League of Nations, in order to reinforce minority guarantees. The insistence of France that the Macedonian Question be removed from the agenda ended culminated in the statement of its delegation that "the Macedonians do not have a clearly defined nationality and the population is divided into parties which, in view of the events, change their character." Supporting the request by Pashich that the new state, the Kingdom of the SCS (Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) be provided with "a strategic border", France upheld Yugoslav control of the region, and any protection for the Macedonians must be limited to the framework of minority rights in general.
Unfortunately, the Great Powers had no interest in the voice of the Macedonian-the partition of Macedonia had already been accomplished, and no power seriously endorsed revision of the partition. Accordingly, Greece maintained its lion's share of Macedonian territory, some 35,169 square kilometers; the Kingdom of the SCS retained 25,774 square kilometers; and Bulgaria maintained, after minor revision, 6,798 square kilometers.
While before the Ilinden Uprising there were an estimated two and a half million people in Macedonia, after the Paris Peace Conference the totaled populations of Aegean (Greek); Pirin (Bulgarian) and Vardar (Yugoslav) Macedonia was 2,028,000, hardly past the two million mark. War and economic collapse had reduced the population of Macedonia by 270,000 people, a negative growth most visible in Aegean Macedonia. In 1896, there were 681,451 inhabitants of Aegean Macedonia, 354,406 of them ethnic Macedonians, 68,000 Greek, 195,000 Turks and about 66,000 of other nationalities. In 1920, on this same territory, the population had dwindled to 584,294 inhabitants, with a Macedonian population reduced by 46,763 to a total of 307,643 and a Greek population of 107,437, an increase of 38,927.
In vain were protests, applications, declarations, memorandums or personal appeals by representatives of the Macedonian people to the Peace Conference, the governments of the Great Powers, or to Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece that the Macedonian people should not be considered "an amorphous mass", that "the spiritual unity" of the Macedonian should be respected and Macedonia raised to the rank of "an independent state.

In the course of the Middle Ages and in later periods the name of Macedonia can be found both in heraldry and itinerary literature. Macedonia is mentioned for the first time in the 1595 Korenich-Neorich rolls of arms, where the coat of arms of Macedonia is included among those of eleven other countries. As noted in detail by Aleksandar Matkovski, under the coat of arms is written "Macedonia", while above the arms in Cyrillic script is "Cimeri makedonske zemle" (the Coat of Arms of the Macedonian country). In the Korenich-Neorich rolls of arms, Macedonian arms are presented along with those of Croatia, Dalmatia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, the Duchagyni, and Kastrioti; in the 152 coats of arms depicted, the Macedonian coat of arms with the inscription "Macedonia" is included twice. The same rolls of arms includes the arms of King Dushan or of his son Urosh. This is a complex coat of arms, presenting these kings as symbols of the unity of the South Slavs and including the arms of nine Balkan regions: Macedonia, Bosnia, Dalmatia, Croatia, the coastal countries, Slavonia, Bulgaria, Serbia and Rascia. Note that Macedonia is presented as a separate region.
In 1605, an extensive rolls of arms was published in Hungary. Siebmacher, its author, included the coat of arms-an single-headed eagle on a white background-of "Macedoniani", a Macedonian family from southern Hungary. Since the 15th century there had been a group of Macedonian immigrants in Baranya, inhabiting a village called Macedonia. The family Macedoniani originated from this village, where Dancho of Macedonia came from as well. Dancho is mentioned as early as 1439 as a rich noblemen; his descendants Ladislav of Macedonia, Bishop of Veliki Varazhdin in 1533, and Volk of Macedonia, ban (governor) of Szörèny, are also noted.
One of the oldest preserved rolls of arms is that of Palinich, most likely prepared in the late 16th and early 17th century. The arms of Macedonia are included, with the hand-written Latin inscription "Macedonia regni" below it. The term Macedonia is also found in Althan's 1614 rolls of arms. Above the beautifully drawn Macedonian coat of arms is the Cyrillic inscription "Makedonske zemle cimeri" and below that, in Latin, "Insignia regni Macedonia".
Among the most beautifully drawn Macedonian coats of arms is the one kept in the Museum of Applied Arts in Belgrade. This coat of arms, with the inscription "Macedoniae" belongs to the heraldry of King Dushan, along with arms of Illyria, Bosnia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Sklavonia, Bulgaria, Serbia and Rascia.
The Ohmuchevich family was known for its efforts to prove inheritance right over Bosnia and Macedonia. Over decades, the family tendered many claims to the territory, endeavoring to prove the rights of the Ohmuchevichs to large regions in the Balkans. They even printed coats of arms, wishing to prove their noble descent and their right to rule these large regions, Macedonia always taking the central place among them. Their enormous wealth made it possible for them to print heraldic collections and other books-which, regardless of the strength or validity of their claims to the territories-made the term "Macedonia" popular both in a geographical and an ethnic sense. The 1636 role of arms authored by Admiral Andriya Ohmuchevich and Marko Skoroevich argued that Macedonia and Bosnia could be liberated from Turkish rule only with the help of Vienna and the Hapsburgs. The Rolls of Arms of Marko Skoroevich was dedicated to Prince Ferdinand; though the young prince did not yet know to read, he could look at the "pictures" and by the help of the coats of arms grow familiar with the geographical terms and toponyms. The Macedonian coat of arms in this collection is included in a group of heraldries belonging to the South Slavic states, with the inscription "Insignia regni Macedonia" above it. On this coat of arms the lion is depicted standing rampant, yellow on a red background.